Salvador Allende reader


Address to International Workers Day Rally

Santiago's Bulnes Plaza, May 1, 1971

Speaking out on the issues of nationalization of industries and land reform, Allende explains that "Copper is the wage (sueldo) of Chile" and "Land is the nourishment (alimento)." He acknowledges the right to dissent but cautions that criticism must take place within legally acceptable avenues. Recognizing that the whole world is watching how "for the first time in history, a people have chosen the path to revolution at a small social cost" (meaning without violence and bloodshed), Allende defines "people's power" ("poder popular") as going beyond the consolidation of a People's Government to include the daily social mobilization of the people "because class conflict occurs every day." To the workers he says: "We are depending on you to win the great battle of production" — which will determine if Chile's political future is a happy one or one of disillusionment. "The workers," whom he defines broadly to include peasants, technicians, white collar employees, intellectuals, professionals and small and medium-sized business people, "have the responsibility" over Chile's future.

Workers of Chile: This is not a day for festivities, this is a day for remembrance. A day for looking back, within and beyond our borders and paying tribute to all those who fell fighting in different countries in the pursuit of a better life for humanity and the conquest of true liberty.

Today brings to an end a week in which the government of the people, through me as a medium, has held talks with the most diverse national sectors. We have spoken with the youth of the Popular Unity, with recently graduated doctors in order to stress the responsibility involved in practicing their profession; we have attended meetings with the important United Nations organization CEPAL where we presented our thinking and highlighted the reality of smaller developing countries in the face of industrial countries, pointing out, once again, the harsh exploitation to which we are and continue to be subjected, and to demand the right to self-determination and to non-intervention.

And once again, not as a politician, but as their general-in-chief, a title that is bestowed on me by the constitution, I have spoken with the representatives of the armed forces, in this case with the Santiago garrison. As well as reaffirming our respect for the professional performance of our armed forces and the Police Force and their adherence to the constitution and the law, we also stressed that they cannot be an independent entity, separate from the great process of transformations that Chile faces on the economic, social and cultural fronts, in order to make the lives of the people in our land more just and dignified. Furthermore, I spoke with the university community of the State Technical University; with trade union delegates of Yarur [textile plant] and with the workers that came from Panguipulli to tell me of the plight of the wood and sawmill workers. This act today marks an end to this week; with this May Day so different from other May Days of the past.

We are here today on this day that has such profound and deep significance; it is significant because you, the workers of Chile, are here together with us, because the government and the people are here, because the people are the government, and therefore they voice the yearnings and wishes of the majority.

We have achieved government and we advance towards the conquest of power. The difference with the past is noticeable, not only because of the massive numbers here present, which triples the numbers of rallies from previous years but also because I see thousands and thousands of women. I pay tribute to them, symbolized by the two elderly women that I have been observing for more than an hour, and who have come despite their tiredness to show us, with their example, their support and deep feelings for the Popular Government.

I salute those who have come from other countries as representatives of trade unions, bringing to us their words of solidarity. I salute the representatives of friendly countries, diplomats or heads of business delegations; and I highlight a very significant thing which fills me with pride: the presence on this platform of the head of the Chilean Church, Cardinal Raul Silva Henriquez. His presence is extremely significant, because he is aware that under the government of the people, all beliefs are and will be respected. With the Catholic Church being the largest in Chile, it receives popular affection because its word is closer to the thought of Christ.

And I salute all the Chilean trade union officials, my comrades from the CUT (Unitary Workers Central). I pay homage to those who, even though having already fulfilled their duties, never left their place alongside the workers, like the first president of the CUT, my dear friend Clotario Blest.

We have come to speak to the people; to speak to them about their rights and their fundamental duties and responsibilities. I would like you to meditate on the implications and the content of my words. Something big and transcendental has occurred in the country with the victory on September 4. It hasn't happened by chance; it has been the effort and sacrifice of thousands and thousands of anonymous Chileans who had faith in themselves, who joined the popular parties and understood the great historical task we must accomplish. This has been the fervor of generations and generations who have known of imprisonment, exile and death, giving us the opportunity to reach government and achieve power. But the victory obtained at the polls entails a great responsibility and I want that to be clearly understood. Of course, let's make it known, let it be appreciated, let us ponder on what it means for a people who, for the first time in history and within the legal parameters of bourgeois democracy, attain government to transform society and to begin the road to deep structural transformations that will lead to socialism. I reiterate: this is the first time that this has occurred. We want the political liberties we have achieved to turn into social liberties. We want every worker to understand that revolutionary theory teaches that one does not destroy one regime completely, in order to build another. One takes all the positive aspects of the previous regime to improve them, to use them and expand them. It is important that this is understood and that it gets into the consciousness of each and every one of you.

We will maintain the political gains because the people obtained them through their struggle and they have been consecrated by Chilean law and the Chilean Constitution. And the positive achievements in the economic area, derived from the Popular Government of Pedro Aguirre Cerda and reflected in the industries of steel, transport, energy, fuel and electricity, will be focal points in our endeavors to extend and organize the social capital that we have spoken so much about.

On another point, it is important to never forget that we have a commitment and that we will carry it out: to respect the right to opinion, the right to be critical. And from here I respond to the youth of the Catholic University — so restless — that the government of the people will respect those who disagree with it. Criticism does not worry us, all we ask is that it is expressed within the legal context that we abide by.

I want to reiterate that for the first time in history, a people has consciously chosen the path to revolution with the least social cost. And it is essential that this fact is understood: with respect for all ideas and with unrestricted respect for all beliefs.

I want to remind you that we have a program that will be implemented no matter what difficulties we may have to overcome. In order for Chile to break with its backwardness, its unemployment, its inflation, its physiological and moral wretchedness; so that our children can have a future and our old folks peace, we must make good use of the surplus produced, investing it in a planned way into the economic and social development of our country. This is why nationalizations are essential in order to strengthen the social economy that our program refers to. That is why we have begun to nationalize our essential resources currently in foreign hands, as well as the monopolies held by foreign capitalists and national capital.

We want to do it in accordance with the needs of Chile and its people, taking into account our technical capacity to maintain the strategic industries, and aiming to surpass current levels of production. It is essential to understand this and to also realize that it is up to the government to accelerate or slow down this process according to the current reality. I appeal to the conscience of the workers so that they understand that it is their government that determines the technique and the methods on how to proceed and they must place their trust in the government if we are to reach the goals we have set.

We are opening a new horizon for you in Chile. In the social and mixed sectors of the economy the workers will no longer just be simple wage earners. Hear me well, they will stop being simple wage earners because they will join with the representatives of the state — who are yourselves — in assuming the management of these companies, respecting the trade union organizations who have a different role. While we propose this in relation to the public and mixed sectors, it must be understood that it is essential for production monitoring committees to function in private companies. There are more than 35,000 companies, and we, at this point, are only going to nationalize less than 1 percent — hear me well — and in Chile there are 35,000. Therefore it must be understood that the role of the companies that are not nationalized, the small and medium-sized companies, is indispensable to the process of economic development. We want them to have production committees, because the worker is not a machine but a human being that thinks, suffers, has hopes and can contribute to the improvement of production, even in those organizations.

Comrade Víctor Díaz, whose documented speech was necessary so the workers could become aware of the reality that confronts us, has pointed out that the government, through me, has agreed to give Balmaceda Radio to the CUT (Unitary Workers Central). In regards to this I tell you: Did the workers, the journalists, the commentators, those that work there, know the truth about this company? I will tell you. In the first place, its broadcasting license expired more than two years ago. The Christian Democrat government did not grant it a new license and Balmaceda Radio, with a capital of 300 million, today owes 3.8 billion pesos. It has obtained 2.8 billion from the Bank of Credit and Investments without any collateral, and obtained another 700 million on other loans to deal with this enormous liability. I will be clear, I don't think that the acquisition of this radio by the Christian Democrat Party would be a good thing as this signifies, if not a conflict of interest — a strange act for a political party. That radio station has lost 10 times its capital; that radio must belong to the workers, because I have not given it to the socialist workers nor the radicals or the communists; I have given it to the trade union confederation (CUT) where, luckily, there are also Christian workers, there are Christian Democrat workers.

I have said that all public and private enterprises must have production committees, because our most basic need, our first priority, is to increase production. I have said it many times and will say it many more times: the people only progress by working, producing more and studying more. But it is very different — and they understand and know this — working for a minority and working and producing for all Chileans. That's why I emphasize and insist on the importance of a bigger effort, a bigger sacrifice and a bigger patriotic determination to work and produce more, because in doing this you will be securing the future of our homeland and defeating those who conspire against it and its government. That's why I express my approval of comrade Víctor Díaz's words in highlighting the significance of the efforts of the coal workers, of Purina, the nitrate miners and nationalized textile sectors. It demonstrates an awareness that is important to highlight and an example we should imitate. It is important to know that the new meaning of work now involves new obligations. Before, when the state was at the service of capitalists, the workers of the private and public sectors inevitably adopted a demanding attitude, proposing salary and wage increases in accordance with the rise in the cost of living. That is to say, they fought for their interests. Today, you have to understand, the workers are the government; the people are the government. The public sector is not financing a minority. It's putting its economic surplus at your service, at the service of the people and Chile. That's why it's necessary to look at it from the other side of the fence, in order to assume the responsibility, the enormous and important responsibility involved in being the government.

A part of the state is in the hands of the workers, through the popular parties and of the CUT, which represents all levels of trade union organization. If I say "a part of the state," it is because there are other powers, such as judiciary or legislative, in which we do not have a majority. That's why it must be understood that together with the difficulties inherent to these circumstances, today we have to set different objectives. First of all, to consolidate the political power. Second, to broaden that political power, the people's power. And do these in the easiest and most realistic way in accordance with Chilean conditions.

When I speak of broadening political power I think that, beyond the limits of the Popular Unity, there are thousands and thousands of citizens who could join with us; there are hundreds and thousands without a political home, and there are others who have one and yet cannot ignore principles or ideas. That is why we call on them, fraternally and honestly, to work for the new Chile, for the better homeland that we want for all Chileans.

Consolidating and broadening people's power presupposes the vitalization of the popular parties, on the basis of effective unity, maintaining ideological dialogue, controversial, critical, but with loyalty and without partisan prejudices, always aware of the great common responsibility that falls on us.

To strengthen people's power and consolidate it means strengthening unions with a new awareness, the awareness that they are a fundamental pillar of the government, and that they are not dominated by it but that they consciously participate, support, assist and criticize its actions.

To consolidate power it is necessary to organize the mobilization of the people, not only for elections, but mobilise it daily because class conflict occurs every day, at all hours, every minute. And we have to be aware of this.

A disciplined, organized, and conscious people, together with the clear loyalty of the armed forces and the police force, is the best defense for the Popular Government and the future of the country.

To strengthen, broaden and consolidate people's power means winning the battle of production. Hear me well comrade workers: to win the battle of production. I have for you here, in my hands, the summary of a document published in the United States by a financial weekly. This is not reproduced in Chilean newspapers. But what does it say? What does it point out? What is meant between the lines? It affirms that the loans from the World Bank are not directly controlled by the Unites States but a large part of this capital comes from the treasury of that country, and thus, surely, Washington can influence the bank's decisions. They want to close our line of credits, they intend to go down that road. They say that every activity, and they refer to the loans, seems to be contrary to existing legislation which, to any sound mind, would indicate a ban on aid from the United States to Chile. It goes on to add, with the best possible disposition, that the United States could do little or nothing to save Chile from disaster. How pious and compassionate they are towards us! No? Because, according to them, Chilean workers now have less, and much less, to buy. And they add that there won't be any production in Chile. And they say, "The workers have little time for work." In Valparaiso, absenteeism in the docks averages 25 percent a day and they add with irony, "except on Mondays when it reaches 40 percent." This has not been published in Chile but reflects an intent that the people must watch out for: to start to create economic difficulties for us, that will impact on the political power bases that sustain the government. Our newspapers, the same newspapers that demand freedom of the press, while they publish whatever they like, reproduce articles from many capitals of Latin America and Europe where, unfortunately, they write against us, distorting what we are, what we want and where we are going. But next to this, which we knew was going to happen, we see the broad solidarity, the respectful attitude from governments that, without sharing our orientation, have similar concepts and principles in relation to self-determination and nonintervention. We have the presence of workers who have manifested their support for Chile in the industrial capitalist countries and in the industrial socialist countries; we have the support from the Latin American workers, whose solidarity we feel so close, because we know it is loyal, because the history of yesterday and today will make possible a more intimate, a more profound struggle of our people.

I want to highlight an act of great moral and significant solidarity: the word of Cuba. Not long ago in Havana, a huge rally took place, because it was the anniversary of the victory of the people at the Bay of Pigs. Chile was represented by the senator of the Popular Unity, comrade and friend Volodia Teitelboim. Fidel Castro, along with making a historical synthesis of Latin American struggles and that of Cuba, had words for Chile that reflect his broad and great spirit of solidarity, echoing the fraternal spirit of the people of Cuba towards us. What did Fidel Castro say in his speech which has only been published partially, distorted, with paragraphs extracted and analyzed out of context by the reactionary sectors? What did Fidel Castro say in relation to us? He said, "Logically, our wholehearted support is with Chile and we are prepared to show our solidarity in any field. We have now, for example, reestablished commercial relations with Chile. We send them sugar, which is a very important product for Chilean popular consumption. They send us beans, garlic and onions.

"As long as the Chileans can pay for our sugar and can send us food and can send us wood, we will receive food and we will receive wood; but if as a result of counterrevolutionary ploys from imperialism and from the internal counterrevolution they manage to sabotage the production of food in Chile and tomorrow they could not send us garlic or onions or beans, it doesn't matter, we would not stop sending our sugar to the people of Chile." And he adds, "To our brothers in Chile, to the government of the Popular Unity, to President Allende we say: the people of Chile will not be left without sugar, we will do whatever is necessary, with more production, even giving from our own consumption." And he concluded: "I express to the people of Chile, selflessly, fraternally, and in the spirit of Girdn [Bay of Pigs], that, should they need to, they can count on our blood; that, should they need to, they can count on our lives." This is solidarity; this is the concept of a revolution without frontiers.

Here they have tried to say that, because of the offering of lives of Cubans, Fidel thinks that Chile does not have in its armed forces or in the police force or in the people the capacity for resistance in the face of a threat. No. It should suffice to remind those who distort Fidel Castro's words that our people were born into political independence because men born in different countries raised a common flag, and Bolivar and Sucre and San Martin and Marti and O'Higgins were Latin Americans who fought with arms for its independence.

So don't come and distort history or the roots of the fraternal spirit that other people have for our government and for our struggles. But I reiterate, the great struggle, the great battle of Chile is now and will always be that of production. Production, understand it, let it stay in your minds and hearts for always, I repeat, the battle now and always is that of production. We have to produce more. And in order to increase production in the long term we also need to increase the investments and the surplus, hear it well, the surplus of companies. The companies' profits will partially serve to improve the wages and salaries of those that work there, but the greatest percentage of those profits and surplus should be invested to create new jobs and new companies; to increase the now dormant capacity of many of them. That's why comrade Victor Diaz has done so well in pointing out that there cannot be exaggerated petitions. Do not overstep the limits because we will not accept it. We are not playing a game of hopscotch, what is at stake here is the destiny of Chile; there cannot be any privileged sectors here, there cannot be an aristocracy of workers or white collar employees or technicians, here we all have to tighten our belts.

Comrades, imagine if public companies don't have profits, imagine it! If we spent it all on wages and salaries, what would happen? How could we advance? We would take them straight into bankruptcy and ruin. And you must understand this clearly: the companies in the mixed sector, or those from the social sector do not belong to them. The CAP does not belong to the steelworkers. Chuquicamata, El Salvador and El Teniente do not belong to the copper workers. They belong to the workers of the whole country. And the workers in the copper and steel industries should be proud of working in them, but above all, they should be proud of working for the rest of their class brothers, for the whole of Chile.

I wish to cite two examples and I want you to pay attention (it's quite late and you are going to get home with quite an appetite and most of your ladies won't have any lunch for you.) I want to present two examples: copper and land. So listen comrades. Copper: copper is the wage of Chile. The North American government and the North American people must also understand this. When we propose to nationalize our mines we are not doing it to attack U.S. investors. If they were Soviet, Japanese, French or Spanish investors we would do the same. We need the profit that goes beyond our frontiers from those companies to boost the development of our nation, along with the iron, nitrate and all of the nationalized enterprises. Remember that in just over 50 years, more than $3 billion in profits from copper have left the country. Now with nationalization, we should have an additional $90 million annually. This means that in the next 20 years, at the price of 50 cents a pound, $1,830 billion. If the average price reaches 55 cents a pound, the figure would be $2,114 billion. This surplus, this higher income is needed to get the economic development of Chile underway, along with the surplus of other companies and industries in the hands of the state, together with the taxes that we all pay, that all Chileans pay. This is why it is essential to understand the importance of copper and to ensure that the people understand the inherent responsibility of the workers, technicians and Chilean professionals.

Some 240 U.S. technicians at the Chuquicamata mine have left or are about to leave Chile. We have not thrown them out, but they are leaving. We have to replace them with our own technicians and our own workers, we have to improvise technology no matter what the cost, and we have to produce more at Chuquicamata. The workers there will have to sweat copper in order to defend Chile. And they will have to do it, because we, the people, are asking and demanding it of them.

Yesterday, comrades, I endured some bitter hours. I was told that during the week three sections of Chuquicamata had stopped for no justifiable reason. And this happens now, when there are workers in the management of those companies. I was told they were demanding that all workers be paid severance, only to be re-hired when we finally take over the companies. It struck my conscience and, as a revolutionary, it hurt that this was true. This morning I had a call from Antofagasta and was told that the trade union assembly rejected the untimely proposal made by some workers and what's even worse, by some vote-chasing political leaders. This shows the conscience of the workers in Chuquicamata and, from here, I congratulate them because their stance represents an essential contribution to the homeland.

I have said that, as well as copper, there is the problem of the land. And you have to understand. You that live in Santiago, the majority of you in this great mass rally, who are not peasants. But I am sure that I am being heard by agricultural workers throughout Chile. This is a very serious problem. If copper is the wage of Chile, land is the nourishment for hunger, and it cannot continue producing what it has produced up until now. That's why the agrarian reform has been introduced; that's why land property laws have been modified, that's why the methods of land exploitation must be changed; that's why we have to provide credit, seeds, fertilizer and technical assistance to the peasant, the small and medium-sized farmers; that's why the smallholdings have to be eliminated long with the large estates. Take notice, comrades, who listen to me throughout Chile: 300,000 or more Chileans are born every year. And despite the high infant mortality rate, there are many new mouths to feed. If agrarian production were to remain at the current levels, which only represents an increase of 1.8 percent, whilst the population increases by 2.5 to 2.7 percent each year, we would find that by the year 2000 (a year that you and I will both reach, eh?) we would have to import, hear me carefully, $1 billion in meat, wheat, fat, butter and oil. Today we import $180 to $200 million a year. And in 2000 we would have to import $1 billion. The whole of Chilean exports reaches $1.05 billion. Consider the drama that we are facing and the huge responsibility attached to agrarian reform. That's why I say very clearly; that's why I have said to the people of Chile; I have said it to the workers of the land; I have yelled it out with passion so that Cautin, Valdivia, Llanquihue and Osorno can understand; in the agrarian provinces of the center and the north: we will apply agrarian reform quickly and thoroughly. We are going to eradicate large estate holdings. This year we are going to expropriate 1,000 estates that surpass the legal limit, and we will eliminate the tiny parcels too small to survive. But it is not enough to expropriate, we have to make the land produce and we have to respect the law. We cannot accept the violation of the legal rights of the estate owners. We cannot bring chaos to production. We cannot expropriate land and then leave it unproductive. The government has to respect the determination and the planning of the Executive.

I tell you, and I say it to the officials of INDAP and CORA: you cannot bypass the law. What would a man do, what would I do if I had been a farmer for 40 or 50 years of my life and I only had my house and bread for my children, if the law gives me a right and then officials come who don't respect the law? What does that man, who cannot find other work at his age, do? Why wouldn't we have a sense of humanity and justice? I call on the people who work the land, I call on the peasants to have trust in us, that's why we have created the Peasant Council. Not one large estate will survive in Chile, but the medium and small landowners will have our support, our help. We will provide the necessary technicians, seeds and fertilizer, in order to meet the goals of production essential to feed our people, comrades.

That is why we must have the awareness: the revolution is not made with words, comrades, but with actions. And it is not easy to achieve, otherwise many other peoples in other areas and other continents would have achieved it.

It is necessary to have a political awareness, and have the necessary responsibility to understand it. It is not enough to talk about the revolution. We have to carry out an internal revolution which will give us the authority to make demands on others, and that's why I speak to you like this, on May Day, with passion, in the face of the responsibility we have with Chile and with history. New goals, more organization, more discipline, detachment, unselfishness; look beyond the small horizons of each company, each industry or each fence, in order to see the problem of class as a whole, be they peasants, workers, white collar employees, technicians or professionals. That's why I must tell you that I have read, with great concern, a document published on April 29 in the newspaper La Prensa, in which they interviewed a peasant leader, a comrade by the name of Fuentes. This has not been refuted, that's why I'm commenting on it. What does this leader say? He said that he supports the government, but if it stops half way then he will continue on. They say that they have the autonomy to do whatever they want, they say that despite the fact that the government will expropriate all estates, they still think that it is necessary and that's why they do it and will continue to do it and they add, "because we must stop comrade Allende and comrade Baytelman in their tracks."

Comrades, Comrade Víctor Díaz said: "Keep going forward, comrade Allende." I will keep going forward, I will not step on the brakes, comrades. But know this once and for all, especially the members of the Popular Unity: we have here a government and a president and if I go forward it is because my pants are well fastened and I do not accept... (I'm sorry, Cardinal Silva Henríquez, for using this expression but I know that you understand and share my view.)

Well, I have used that example because if everybody chooses their own way then there will be chaos here, comrades, and that's what they want: they don't want the land to produce; they don't want industries to produce, they want difficulties. The purchasing power that you have today has meant that sales are at an all-time high. But we have to balance certain things. Within 15 days to two months, stocks will be gone and if the industries don't produce, Chile is not used to rationing and we don't want it. That's why we have to produce in the countryside, in the industries, comrades. And that is why I want to tell you, quite calmly, as your comrade, that I have a report by the Comptroller of the Republic, elaborated at my request. The report is based on a study of two state companies, one in particular, and here are the figures that show the percentage of absenteeism of its workers and employees. (This is what is published with such joy in that American weekly I mentioned earlier.) And the worst is that this report confirms what I said to the people at the other square a few days ago. I said that, unfortunately, there is absenteeism by workers and employees who fake illness and I added that, unfortunately, there were also medical professionals with no sense of responsibility, with no understanding of their Hippocratic oath, who issue false medical certificates. Workers and employees that earn more by not working, because the law is absurd and because doctors receive a percentage from every certificate they give out. There are some that have obtained 50, 60, 80 million pesos this way. I have informed the Medical School of this. I have been president of this school for five years; I have a moral authority to say this, because I created that law, in conjunction with the National Health Service, I also created the Statute of the Medical Servant. The medical profession in this country has never fallen to the moral standards that some people have intended. We cannot accept the collusion between workers and employees and doctors to swindle the Treasury, the people and Chile itself, comrades.

To conclude — it's just that I don't like the exploitation of men by men — you know already what the government has done and comrade Victor Diaz has just gone through it in detail. From the half a liter of milk, to controlling 53 percent of bank shares, and to granting nationalized banks control of the dollar market. From the nationalization of monopolized companies to the recovering of the basic resources in the hands of foreign capital. We have made and will continue to make all the necessary efforts to stop inflation and to reduce unemployment. But inflation will not be stopped if we don't produce more, comrades. Because if we generate more demand and don't increase production, prices will go up and, who pays the consequences? You do. And above all, the pensioners, the retired, those who receive a dependant's pension, those on fixed incomes, salaries or wages. The government does, fulfills, acts, but it is not only up to the government. You, too, have responsibilities. Essentially, it is the workers' responsibility.

When I speak of workers I speak of peasants, employees, technicians, intellectuals and professionals. I speak of small and medium-sized industrial and commercial businessmen. The onus is on the workers. All that which debilitates also divides the workers, debilitates the government and this must be understood. Whatever strengthens the workers also strengthens the government and this must be understood. The future of the Chilean revolution is, today more than ever, in the hands of those who work. Whether we win the great battle of production depends on you. Day to day, the government shows what it's capable of doing. But it will not be able to do much more if we cannot count on the support, the conscientious and revolutionary will of you, comrade workers.

That's why — as I was saying — we have to revitalize movements, unions, popular parties, and, above all, the peasants and the workers must be conscious of their responsibility...

The revolution, the destiny, the future of Chile is in your hands. If we fail in the economic arena, we will fail in the political arena, and this will bring disillusionment and bitterness for millions of Chileans and for millions of brothers from other continents who are looking at us and support us. We have to realize that far beyond our frontiers, from Africa and Asia, and here in the heart of Latin America, there are men and women who are looking with passionate and fraternal interest at what we are doing. Think, comrades, that in other places people have risen to make their revolution and were crushed by the counterrevolution. Torrents of bloodshed, incarceration and death mark the struggle of many peoples, in many continents, and even in those countries where the revolution has triumphed, the social cost has been high, a social cost in lives which do not have a price, comrades. Social cost in human existence of children, men and women that cannot be measured by money. Even in those countries where the revolution triumphed they had to overcome the economic chaos created by the struggle and the drama of combat or civil war. Here we can make the revolution through the channels that Chile has sought with the least social cost, without sacrificing lives and without disorganizing production. I call on you with passion, I call on you with affection, I call on you as an older brother to understand our responsibility; I speak to you as the Comrade President to defend the future of Chile, which is in your hands, workers of my country.

Edición digital del Centro Documental Blest el 07feb02
Capitulo Anterior Proximo Capitulo Sube